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China’s Olive Oil Sector Alleviates Poverty but Struggles to Compete

China’s olive oil sector has expanded rapidly with strong government backing, but experts say heavy subsidies and state control have limited efficiency, profitability and global competitiveness.
High harvesting and production costs have made it difficult for Chinese producers to penetrate its most affluent cities, such as Chengdu. (Photo: Daniel Dawson)
By Daniel Dawson
Dec. 29, 2025 20:28 UTC
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China’s olive oil indus­try has evolved sig­nif­i­cantly since the plant­ing of the coun­try’s first olive trees in 1964, with tens of thou­sands of hectares of olive groves now span­ning sev­eral provinces. However, the indus­try remains largely unvi­able with­out sub­stan­tial state sup­port, as gov­ern­ment poli­cies pri­or­i­tize cre­at­ing rural jobs and alle­vi­at­ing poverty over prof­itabil­ity and pro­duc­tiv­ity.

This is the sixth in a series of reports on the evo­lu­tion of China’s olive oil indus­try.

China’s olive oil sec­tor has come a long way since the country’s first olive trees were planted in 1964, when com­mu­nist regimes in Albania and China sought to strengthen ties while rebuk­ing the Soviet Union, with which both coun­tries were in polit­i­cal and ide­o­log­i­cal con­flict.

There is lit­tle incen­tive to improve effi­ciency or cut costs, regard­less of offi­cial rhetoric at olive oil con­fer­ences.

While the death of Enver Hoxha ush­ered in a new era of democ­racy in Albania and allowed mar­ket forces to reshape its olive oil indus­try, all lev­els of the Chinese gov­ern­ment have tight­ened their grip on the sec­tor over the past five decades.

Today, tens of thou­sands of hectares of olive groves sprawl across roughly half a dozen Chinese provinces. However, China’s com­mand econ­omy has dis­torted the olive oil mar­ket, leav­ing the indus­try largely unvi­able with­out sub­stan­tial state sup­port.

A for­mer finance min­istry offi­cial told Olive Oil Times that cre­at­ing rural jobs in mar­ginal areas to alle­vi­ate poverty is the pri­mary objec­tive of olive farm­ing, with pro­duc­tiv­ity and prof­itabil­ity rank­ing lower among pol­icy pri­or­i­ties.

An abandoned olive pomace oil refinery north of Longnan. (Photo: Daniel Dawson)

Government data illus­trate this approach. In the Longnan dis­trict of Gansu province, China’s answer to Jaén, the olive oil indus­try is esti­mated to gen­er­ate 4 bil­lion Renminbi (€485 mil­lion) in value, directly ben­e­fit­ing about 400,000 res­i­dents.

In Hubei province’s Shiyan dis­trict, olive grow­ing was a life­line for res­i­dents of Yunyang after the city was relo­cated to make way for dams and water infra­struc­ture sup­ply­ing Beijing.

Despite these achieve­ments, inter­na­tional experts broadly agree that China’s olive oil sec­tor remains inef­fi­cient and unprof­itable, with many groves poorly man­aged.

The most suc­cess­ful” com­pa­nies sell nearly all of their olive oil to the gov­ern­ment or state-con­trolled enter­prises. They also receive gen­er­ous sub­si­dies, includ­ing pay­ments of 1,000 Renminbi per mu (€1,830 per hectare) for plant­ing trees and guar­an­teed prices for olives pur­chased from local farm­ers.

Some well-con­nected pro­duc­ers addi­tion­ally ben­e­fit from pub­lic grants to build state-of-the-art mills and cut­ting-edge, though often under­used, research facil­i­ties.

Producers with fewer gov­ern­ment ties — acknowl­edg­ing that vir­tu­ally all busi­nesses in China main­tain some con­nec­tion to the state — often sub­si­dize olive oil oper­a­tions through other ven­tures, such as con­struc­tion or man­u­fac­tur­ing.

The more fruit we buy from farm­ers, the more pay­ment we get from the gov­ern­ment,” one pro­ducer said.

International experts say the lack of effective pruning is holding back the competitiveness of the Chinese olive oil sector. (Photo: Daniel Dawson)

The pro­ducer esti­mated that author­i­ties refund about seven per­cent of olive pur­chases. If we buy 1 mil­lion Renminbi (€121,000) of olives, we get 70,000 Renminbi (€8,500) back,” the pro­ducer added.

As a result, olive prices rang­ing from €3 to €9 per kilo­gram — depend­ing on the region — would leave many farm­ers in Italy, Greece or Spain envi­ous.

Most Chinese olive oil is then sold directly to the gov­ern­ment and state-owned enter­prises at prices far exceed­ing bench­mark lev­els in Jaén, Bari or Chania.

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One pro­ducer told Olive Oil Times that these state-backed enter­prises receive annual bud­gets for employ­ees to pur­chase selected goods, includ­ing olive oil.

This pro­ducer relies on such pro­grams for roughly 90 per­cent of sales, not­ing that some com­pa­nies depend on them entirely.

Consequently, there is lit­tle incen­tive to improve effi­ciency or cut costs, regard­less of offi­cial rhetoric at olive oil con­fer­ences.

This sys­tem con­tributes to the high retail price of Chinese olive oil com­pared with imports from major Spanish and Italian bot­tlers, mak­ing mar­ket pen­e­tra­tion dif­fi­cult even in afflu­ent coastal cities.

International experts who recently vis­ited China also observed that the exten­sive safety net damp­ens moti­va­tion to improve agro­nomic and milling prac­tices.

They cited wide­spread plant­ing of uncer­ti­fied olive vari­eties, which hin­ders efforts to iden­tify trees best suited to China’s gen­er­ally wet­ter, more humid and less sunny cli­mate than the Mediterranean.

Experts also noted that trees are often planted too closely together, encour­ag­ing fun­gal dis­eases. Inadequate prun­ing fur­ther reduces yields, with trees capa­ble of pro­duc­ing 20 kilo­grams annu­ally yield­ing closer to five to ten.

Milling knowl­edge is sim­i­larly uneven. While China pro­duces some of the best extra vir­gin olive oils in the world, some mills exceed 30 °C dur­ing malax­a­tion and decant­ing, almost cer­tainly dis­qual­i­fy­ing the oil from the extra vir­gin cat­e­gory.

Despite these head­winds, pub­lic-sec­tor invest­ment remains abun­dant.

Many mills — often sup­ported by gov­ern­ment fund­ing — are equipped with the lat­est tech­nol­ogy from man­u­fac­tur­ers such as Pieralisi and Haus. Tank rooms and bot­tling lines are equally mod­ern, under­scor­ing that cap­i­tal is rarely a con­straint.

Yet not all invest­ments suc­ceed. About 20 min­utes north of Longnan stands an empty olive pomace oil refin­ery.

The mas­sive facil­ity houses advanced equip­ment that appears barely used.

Officials said the refin­ery was shut­tered because its out­put failed to meet national stan­dards. Observers expect the machin­ery to remain idle indef­i­nitely, ren­der­ing equip­ment worth hun­dreds of thou­sands — if not mil­lions — of Euros unus­able.

China’s strat­egy of using olive farm­ing to alle­vi­ate poverty is widely rec­og­nized, and few enter­ing the sec­tor are unaware of the trade-offs inher­ent in its state-con­trolled model.

This approach is unlikely to posi­tion China as a major olive oil exporter, despite some pro­duc­ers man­ag­ing to sell to neigh­bor­ing coun­tries and even to Spain.

Still, fol­low­ing an October gath­er­ing in Yunyang, Hubei, where more than 200 offi­cials, researchers and pro­duc­ers dis­cussed ways to improve the sec­tor, ques­tions about the con­se­quences of state con­trol are increas­ingly being con­fronted.

International experts argue that adopt­ing cer­ti­fied olive vari­eties, improv­ing prun­ing tech­niques and refin­ing milling prac­tices — along­side selec­tive mech­a­niza­tion and robot­ics — could raise qual­ity and com­pet­i­tive­ness with­out under­min­ing the sector’s poverty-alle­vi­a­tion goals.

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